So, the news item of the week was the resignation of the national chief of police in the wake of...yes, another corruption scandal. The stories of fallen heroes here are growing tedious, so I thought I would write about something else this week.
Judging from what you see in the media, we in Israel are preoccupied mostly by questions reagarding our personal safety and the future of the Jewish people - which is true. (Other acute local issuess that are, admittedly, less newsworthy concern the decision to eat a cheeseburger on a kosher-for-passover bun at the McDonalds in downtown Jerusalem, whether to upgrade to a cell phone with an MP3 instead of buying an iPod or who to root for in the finals of the reality program 'Born To Dance.')
What the rest of the world doesn't know is that many of us who live here suffer from grave conditions that run right below the surface of our daily existence but are often undiscernable to the average tourist. I myself am deeply afflicted with two syndromes I know many of my compatriots share.
The first is an obsession with the news. Just as substance abusers enjoy a wide array of alternatives from which to infuse, the news junkie can get it from the radio playing constantly in the background, from news services that provide continuous updates via text messages to cell phones or from the endless news and current events programs broadcast 24 hours a day on television. My personal medium of choice is the newspaper, which arrives faithfully on my doorstep before I awake and provides the powerful fix I need to start the day. No one talks to me at the breakfast table because I don't respond, at least until I've read the lead stories and checked the caricature on the op-ed page. At lunch I complete the editorials and beat articles. If I'm working and I don't have time for more than a glance at the headlines, I often feel like I'm about to slide over the brink of a great abyss because I'm not on top of things.
I can't help but wonder what fuels this obsession: is it a deep need to feel educated and informed? Is it the fear that someone will ask me a question about modern Israel that I can't answer (which is my worst professional fear, after oversleeping in the morning and boring people)? In truth, I believe my news jones is fed by an anxiety I developed in camp the summer before twelfth grade. As the oldest kids in camp, we had no curfew and went to sleep whenever we felt like it. Not being much of a night person, I invariably turned in before many of the others, only to awaken the next morning and hear about all the brilliant jokes, stories, songs and soul-to-soul conversations I missed. There is nothing worse than having history pass you by, especially when you live in the midst of the greatest work-in-progress of the Jewish people in the modern age. The thought that something of importance might happen in Israel without me knowing about it is, frankly, terrifying. I can't predict what that great moment is going to be, but I damn well want to be there when it happens.
My other obsession is the neighbors, probably because our conflict with the Palestinians is such a huge obstacle in the path to Israel's future that it's hard to see anywhere beyond the next few weeks. Everywhere I look, I see them - and not just in the newspaper (btw, did anyone catch that shot of Abu Mazen, Haled Meshal and Ismail Haniyeh at Mecca in their pjs? Priceless!)
I project them onto whatever I'm reading, whether it's a passage about King Herod's begrudging acceptance of and cooperation with Rome or Toni Morrison's freed slaves' struggle to put their tragic past behind them.
I can't watch a movie without transposing the story into our key. A few weeks ago I saw 'Blood Diamond,' about the terrible violence in many African countries with a wealth of natural resources and weak governments. I was very moved by the story but as I walked out of the theatre I found myself projecting our reality onto the scenario. My first thought was that the West Bank and Gaza look like paradise compared to what was portrayed in Sierra Leone. My second thought was that the neighbors are not that far away from the utter chaos that brings with it the horrifying violence we saw in the movie.
Last week I spent several days at Hadassah hospital with fund raising professionals here to learn about all of the hospital's projects first-hand. We toured the center for emergency medicine, viewed the plans for the new building, heard from doctors about their medical research and spoke with patients whose lives had been saved by the hospital staff. Beyond the immense admiration for the organization behind the hospital, my head was buzzing with ideas for a Palestinian Hadassah. Why can't the Palestinian diaspora raise money to build a similar facility? God knows, they need it - when Arafat was deathly ill he had to go to France for medical care because there isn't a single high-quality hospital in Palestine. All they need is one Henrietta Szold to get the project up and running - just think of how it could help, where it could lead! We can assist with advice, and who knows what else - it could be a bridge to peace!
But then I deflate and return to reality. I, and many other Israelis, would love to fix the Palestinians' problems for them by transforming them into wise, peace-loving neighbors anxious to create a democracy based on western values just like ours. But the truth is that they are who they are and they'll have to solve their own problems without any meddling from me and my ilk. The solutions appear nowhere in sight, but who knows? The Middle East is full of surprises. I might wake up tomorrow and find headlines about a back-channel, secret peace agreement.
So I'll keep reading that newspaper...
Monday, February 26, 2007
Wednesday, February 14, 2007
The Hullalabaloo on the Temple Mount
So,what's with the Temple Mount?
Images for which we have no nostalgia have beeen splashed across screens and front pages all over the world depicting violent clashes between the Israeli police and Palestinian demonstrators in Jerusalem. And why? The Moslems are frenzied over what they claim is yet another Israeli conspiracy to undermine the foundations of the Temple Mount.
The hysteria is being generated by the northern branch of the Israeli Islamic organization led by one Raed Salah. In contrast to its relatively moderate southern branch, the northern group tilts very dangerously toward Islamic extremism and harbors little affection for the state whose citizenship its members hold. Raed Salah has made the liberation of El Aktsa (aka the Temple Mount) his flagship cause and consistently casts about for molehills to transform into mountains.
In this case, the excavation work on the bridge leading up to the Mugrabi Gate of the Temple Mount proved to be a choice opportunity to stir up the masses. Although the bridge runs perpendicular to the Temple Mount and is not a supporting structure, Salah wasted no time in declaring yet another Israeli scheme to cause its collapse, conveniently invoking the ire of the entire Moslem world.
In light of some possible confusion here are some facts worth reviewing:
-the Temple Mount is a large, flat platform surrounded by four retaining walls. It was built by King Herod about two thousand years ago.
-The original hilltop was occupied by several different buildings: King Solomon's Temple (approx. 960 BCE); the rebuilt second Temple (517 BCE); Herod's Temple (18 BCE); a pagan platofrm built by the Romans (135 CE) and finally the Dome of the Rock (691 CE) and the El Aktsa Mosque (720 CE), both Moslem buildings which were briefly transformed into churches during the Crusader reign of Jerusalem (1099-1187) and which remain on the platform until today.
-Modern Israel regained control of the Temple Mount during the Six Day War, exactly 1897 years after the Temple was destroyed for the second and final time. Although the Jewish return to the Temple Mount in 1967 was an important milestone in the rebuilding of Jewish spiritual independence, a decision was made immediately after the war to leave the jurisdiction of the Temple Mount in the hands of the Moslems. Practically the Israeli leadership at the time understood the far-reaching implications any changes in the area would have, but equally important in the formulation of Israeli policy was the rabbinic directive for a complete Jewish hands-off. Our tradition, which is not an unifluential element here and is always taken into deep consideration regarding issues of a spiritual nature, says that the Temple will be rebuilt only when the messiah comes. Until that momentous era arrives not so much as a single pebble may be removed from there in preparation. In light of these considerations the jurisdiction over the entire Temple Mount was left in the hands of the Waqf, the Moslem trust, where it remains until this day. The Temple Mount was in our hands, but we gave it back.
Israel has no interest in changing the status quo to the benefit or detriment of either party. Can any rational person suggest what Israel would gain by causing the collapse of the Temple Mount? In fact, I can't think of a bigger headache. We need a collapsed mosque like we need a hole in the head, not to mention World War III, which would no doubt be soon in coming.
What's interesting to note is that in the frenetic negotiations following the collapse of the Camp David Summit in August of 2000 a discussion was held over the division of Jerusalem. Israel was prepared to cede the Temple Mount to the Palestinians, with the Western Wall remaining in Jewish Jerusalem. We asked, however, for a symbolic presence on the Temple Mount to represent the site's sanctity to the Jewish faith, a request which was flatly rejected on the grounds of historical inaccuracy. Raed Salah and various other Islamic leaders have publically proclaimed on numerous occasions that the Dome of the Rock and the El Aktsa mosque predate Jesus, Herod and Solomon. In their revised version of history the Jewish people have been conviently written out of the story and hence have no claim to the hilltop. My inclination has always been to view this laughable attempt to rewrite history as an embarrasment to the Moslem religious establishment, but clearly our Arab neighbors don't share my sense of humor. Rather, they view anything understood by Israel as truth to be a conspiracy of lies, regardless of the science, scholarship and international consensus that stand behind it. This unqualified distrust of Israel by the Arab masses (perhaps understandable to a certain extent) is, however, a powerful tool in the hands of a charismatic leader like Raed Salah and is not to be underestimated. The Arab mob can be mobilized in a very short time simply by rumor and violence often ensues, even if the hoardes aren't exactly sure why they have been called out to the streets. Rarely do those leaders take responsibility for happens next.
So what do we do - stop the bulldozers? Absolutely not. An in-depth examination of the nearly forty years the Temple Mount has been under Israeli sovereignty will show that the sanctity of the Moslem holy sites and the Temple Mount has been consistently respected and preserved . Israel has the legitimate right to make physical changes in the area around the Temple Mount in order to facilitate better access for visitors to both the Mugrabi Gate and the Southern Wall excavations. To stop the digging in order to avoid Moslem violence would be to sell the Jewish hsitoric and religious significance of the Temple Mount very cheaply.
Images for which we have no nostalgia have beeen splashed across screens and front pages all over the world depicting violent clashes between the Israeli police and Palestinian demonstrators in Jerusalem. And why? The Moslems are frenzied over what they claim is yet another Israeli conspiracy to undermine the foundations of the Temple Mount.
The hysteria is being generated by the northern branch of the Israeli Islamic organization led by one Raed Salah. In contrast to its relatively moderate southern branch, the northern group tilts very dangerously toward Islamic extremism and harbors little affection for the state whose citizenship its members hold. Raed Salah has made the liberation of El Aktsa (aka the Temple Mount) his flagship cause and consistently casts about for molehills to transform into mountains.
In this case, the excavation work on the bridge leading up to the Mugrabi Gate of the Temple Mount proved to be a choice opportunity to stir up the masses. Although the bridge runs perpendicular to the Temple Mount and is not a supporting structure, Salah wasted no time in declaring yet another Israeli scheme to cause its collapse, conveniently invoking the ire of the entire Moslem world.
In light of some possible confusion here are some facts worth reviewing:
-the Temple Mount is a large, flat platform surrounded by four retaining walls. It was built by King Herod about two thousand years ago.
-The original hilltop was occupied by several different buildings: King Solomon's Temple (approx. 960 BCE); the rebuilt second Temple (517 BCE); Herod's Temple (18 BCE); a pagan platofrm built by the Romans (135 CE) and finally the Dome of the Rock (691 CE) and the El Aktsa Mosque (720 CE), both Moslem buildings which were briefly transformed into churches during the Crusader reign of Jerusalem (1099-1187) and which remain on the platform until today.
-Modern Israel regained control of the Temple Mount during the Six Day War, exactly 1897 years after the Temple was destroyed for the second and final time. Although the Jewish return to the Temple Mount in 1967 was an important milestone in the rebuilding of Jewish spiritual independence, a decision was made immediately after the war to leave the jurisdiction of the Temple Mount in the hands of the Moslems. Practically the Israeli leadership at the time understood the far-reaching implications any changes in the area would have, but equally important in the formulation of Israeli policy was the rabbinic directive for a complete Jewish hands-off. Our tradition, which is not an unifluential element here and is always taken into deep consideration regarding issues of a spiritual nature, says that the Temple will be rebuilt only when the messiah comes. Until that momentous era arrives not so much as a single pebble may be removed from there in preparation. In light of these considerations the jurisdiction over the entire Temple Mount was left in the hands of the Waqf, the Moslem trust, where it remains until this day. The Temple Mount was in our hands, but we gave it back.
Israel has no interest in changing the status quo to the benefit or detriment of either party. Can any rational person suggest what Israel would gain by causing the collapse of the Temple Mount? In fact, I can't think of a bigger headache. We need a collapsed mosque like we need a hole in the head, not to mention World War III, which would no doubt be soon in coming.
What's interesting to note is that in the frenetic negotiations following the collapse of the Camp David Summit in August of 2000 a discussion was held over the division of Jerusalem. Israel was prepared to cede the Temple Mount to the Palestinians, with the Western Wall remaining in Jewish Jerusalem. We asked, however, for a symbolic presence on the Temple Mount to represent the site's sanctity to the Jewish faith, a request which was flatly rejected on the grounds of historical inaccuracy. Raed Salah and various other Islamic leaders have publically proclaimed on numerous occasions that the Dome of the Rock and the El Aktsa mosque predate Jesus, Herod and Solomon. In their revised version of history the Jewish people have been conviently written out of the story and hence have no claim to the hilltop. My inclination has always been to view this laughable attempt to rewrite history as an embarrasment to the Moslem religious establishment, but clearly our Arab neighbors don't share my sense of humor. Rather, they view anything understood by Israel as truth to be a conspiracy of lies, regardless of the science, scholarship and international consensus that stand behind it. This unqualified distrust of Israel by the Arab masses (perhaps understandable to a certain extent) is, however, a powerful tool in the hands of a charismatic leader like Raed Salah and is not to be underestimated. The Arab mob can be mobilized in a very short time simply by rumor and violence often ensues, even if the hoardes aren't exactly sure why they have been called out to the streets. Rarely do those leaders take responsibility for happens next.
So what do we do - stop the bulldozers? Absolutely not. An in-depth examination of the nearly forty years the Temple Mount has been under Israeli sovereignty will show that the sanctity of the Moslem holy sites and the Temple Mount has been consistently respected and preserved . Israel has the legitimate right to make physical changes in the area around the Temple Mount in order to facilitate better access for visitors to both the Mugrabi Gate and the Southern Wall excavations. To stop the digging in order to avoid Moslem violence would be to sell the Jewish hsitoric and religious significance of the Temple Mount very cheaply.
Sunday, February 4, 2007
Political Death By French Kiss
Last week we witnessed the destruction of yet another talented and powerful Israeli male who could not keep his hands to himself. Haim Ramon, a brilliant politician and a man with a long, promising career ahead of him destroyed his reputation and his future in one impulsive moment. What was he thinking when he forced his tongue between the lips of a female soldier working in his office? Was he imagining Theodore Herzl standing on the balcony of the casino in Basel after creating the Jewish state? Was he visualizing the ingathering of the Jewish exiles in Israel? Could he see Ahmadinajad's visage grimacing toward the Holy Land? Evidently, at that same moment the Israeli Minister of Justice was preoccupied with copping a feel from a young woman who asked to be photographed with him. Is a modicum of restrain too much to ask from our leadership?
The courts thought not and convicted Ramon of an indecent sexual act, transmitting, once again, a very strong message to the citizens of Israel regarding the zero tolerance level that a self-respecting society should have towards sexual harrassment and, at the same time, sending Ramon out to pasture. Unlike Moshe Katzav, a serial sex offender and generally unimpressive individual , Ramon elicits far more sympathy from the public, probably because his indiscretion appears to be the result of an instant of extremely poor judgement rather than the symptom of a serious character defect. Most Israelis would agree that Haim Ramon is a good guy who should be reprimanded for his action, but not politically destroyed for it. The courts thought otherwise; he now bears the title of convicted sex offender. Go make a career in politics with a sign like that hanging over your chest.
The consensus amongst the pundits is that Ramon could have made this embarrassing misdeed go away simply by apologizing. If he would have approached the young woman and her lawyers and said, "I'm so sorry about what happened. It was wrong of me to kiss you like that I wish I hadn't behaved inappropriately towards you," chances were excellent that she would have accepted his apology and moved on, without filing a complaint, and that would have been the end of it. Instead, Ramon chose to fight by attempting to cast doubt on the complainant's integrity and by lying. By choosing to attack rather than admit he was at fault Ramon tied the knot of his own noose.
In the current climate of demand for culpability and responsibility following the war in Lebanon last summer, it's interesting to note that we have yet to witness one Israeli leader, political or military, admit publically that he made a mistake. Whether they believe their actions are blameless or their careers will not be served by telling the truth, the norm here is to never, no matter what, acknowledge that you erred. Even though most upstanding citizens would agree that it takes a person of virtue and character to confess a failure, the citizens of Israel expect their leaders to be paragons of perfection.
So where does that leave Haim Ramon - damned if he does, damned if he doesn't? Maybe not. He chose a ride down that old river in Egypt rather than the genuine introspection that would have lead to an apology. We're loathe to tolerate mistakes by our leaders, but if nobody died then forgiveness is always an option for the truly repentant. Consider the great King David, whose unrestrained lust for the beautiful Batsheva forced him to cynically manipulate the murder of her husband, one of his most loyal soldiers, after discovering she was pregnant with his child. Blinded by hubris, when David's despicable behavior was pointed out to him through a parable, the full weight of his ugly deed came crashing down on him. He couldn't deny it because he answered to a higher authority than the Israeli voting public; instead, he expressed his deep regret over what he had done and was ultimately forgiven.
What a shame Haim Ramon chose to be inspired not by the great leaders of Israel, but rather by his lawyers.
The courts thought not and convicted Ramon of an indecent sexual act, transmitting, once again, a very strong message to the citizens of Israel regarding the zero tolerance level that a self-respecting society should have towards sexual harrassment and, at the same time, sending Ramon out to pasture. Unlike Moshe Katzav, a serial sex offender and generally unimpressive individual , Ramon elicits far more sympathy from the public, probably because his indiscretion appears to be the result of an instant of extremely poor judgement rather than the symptom of a serious character defect. Most Israelis would agree that Haim Ramon is a good guy who should be reprimanded for his action, but not politically destroyed for it. The courts thought otherwise; he now bears the title of convicted sex offender. Go make a career in politics with a sign like that hanging over your chest.
The consensus amongst the pundits is that Ramon could have made this embarrassing misdeed go away simply by apologizing. If he would have approached the young woman and her lawyers and said, "I'm so sorry about what happened. It was wrong of me to kiss you like that I wish I hadn't behaved inappropriately towards you," chances were excellent that she would have accepted his apology and moved on, without filing a complaint, and that would have been the end of it. Instead, Ramon chose to fight by attempting to cast doubt on the complainant's integrity and by lying. By choosing to attack rather than admit he was at fault Ramon tied the knot of his own noose.
In the current climate of demand for culpability and responsibility following the war in Lebanon last summer, it's interesting to note that we have yet to witness one Israeli leader, political or military, admit publically that he made a mistake. Whether they believe their actions are blameless or their careers will not be served by telling the truth, the norm here is to never, no matter what, acknowledge that you erred. Even though most upstanding citizens would agree that it takes a person of virtue and character to confess a failure, the citizens of Israel expect their leaders to be paragons of perfection.
So where does that leave Haim Ramon - damned if he does, damned if he doesn't? Maybe not. He chose a ride down that old river in Egypt rather than the genuine introspection that would have lead to an apology. We're loathe to tolerate mistakes by our leaders, but if nobody died then forgiveness is always an option for the truly repentant. Consider the great King David, whose unrestrained lust for the beautiful Batsheva forced him to cynically manipulate the murder of her husband, one of his most loyal soldiers, after discovering she was pregnant with his child. Blinded by hubris, when David's despicable behavior was pointed out to him through a parable, the full weight of his ugly deed came crashing down on him. He couldn't deny it because he answered to a higher authority than the Israeli voting public; instead, he expressed his deep regret over what he had done and was ultimately forgiven.
What a shame Haim Ramon chose to be inspired not by the great leaders of Israel, but rather by his lawyers.
Monday, January 29, 2007
Denial Ain't A River in Egypt
All of the citizens of Israel were witness this week to a shameful and pathetic performance by the now outgoing president, Moshe Katzav. Katzav called a press conference to respond to the news that after many months of investigation, the attorney general has decided to indict him for rape. Before he goes before the AG for a final hearing, the president chose to address the nation in regard to all the accusations against him.
Katzav was not born great, nor was greatness thrust upon him. He was a bright, ambitious kid from a poor neighborhood whose rising star brought him into the innermost circles of Israeli politics. It's hard to point to any serious imprint left by Katzav on Israeli government, yet somehow this colorless, mediocre politician managed to reach the respectable offices of the president. In his hour-long tirade before the cameras and microphones he painted a picture of himself as a hunted, persecuted member of Israel's trodden mizrahi minority. He attacked the police, the attorney general and the press, blaming the very institutions that form the backbone of democracy, law and order in the state he represents for convicting him of heinous crimes without a trial.
Katzav's performance was extremely emotional but ridden with inaccuracies. Although he read from prepared notes he frequently trailed off without finishing sentences and appeared to be on the verge of breaking down numerous times. He spoke about his deep personal pain but the accusations of sexual harrassment and rape by ten different women who worked for him through the years cannot be ignored. Although he is innocent until proven guilty in a court of law, the evidence against him is extremely damning. Despite his crass attempt to manipulate public sympathy in his favor, my impression of his speech was of a criminal offender who has utterly convinced himself that the acts in question never happened. His appeal was not the call of a jaded operator following the advice of his lawyers, but of a man who truly believes that he did nothing wrong by fondling and forcing himself sexually on the women whose livelihood depended on him. Since he cannot admit to the rest of us that he simply took that to which he was entitled, he has erased those squallid deeds from his own personal reality.
Almost as sad as watching Katzav lash out at the world was watching his family watch him. His wife and five children all sat, stiff-backed, in a row to his right, a pillar of support. But who knows what they were really thinking? Can a serial sex offender be a model husband and father? Gila no doubt has sufffered his philandering for the thirty-seven years of their marriage but Katzav made a point of mentioning their loving and idyllic relationship. Although stories and rumors abound about Gila's dealings with her husband's paramours, we will never be privy to the truth about this man's shortcomings as a parent. As much as he has embarrassed himself by his conduct, the forced complicity of the silence of his wife and children is an even greater humiliation.
Many people who worked with Katzav over the years remarked that everyone in his immediate surroundings knew he harrassed women but no one ever spoke up. Perhaps the silver lining of this lecherous cloud is the end of the conspiracy of silence. Hopefully, the trial of the president will broadcast a very clear message of zero tolerance for sexual harrassment in our society.
Katzav was not born great, nor was greatness thrust upon him. He was a bright, ambitious kid from a poor neighborhood whose rising star brought him into the innermost circles of Israeli politics. It's hard to point to any serious imprint left by Katzav on Israeli government, yet somehow this colorless, mediocre politician managed to reach the respectable offices of the president. In his hour-long tirade before the cameras and microphones he painted a picture of himself as a hunted, persecuted member of Israel's trodden mizrahi minority. He attacked the police, the attorney general and the press, blaming the very institutions that form the backbone of democracy, law and order in the state he represents for convicting him of heinous crimes without a trial.
Katzav's performance was extremely emotional but ridden with inaccuracies. Although he read from prepared notes he frequently trailed off without finishing sentences and appeared to be on the verge of breaking down numerous times. He spoke about his deep personal pain but the accusations of sexual harrassment and rape by ten different women who worked for him through the years cannot be ignored. Although he is innocent until proven guilty in a court of law, the evidence against him is extremely damning. Despite his crass attempt to manipulate public sympathy in his favor, my impression of his speech was of a criminal offender who has utterly convinced himself that the acts in question never happened. His appeal was not the call of a jaded operator following the advice of his lawyers, but of a man who truly believes that he did nothing wrong by fondling and forcing himself sexually on the women whose livelihood depended on him. Since he cannot admit to the rest of us that he simply took that to which he was entitled, he has erased those squallid deeds from his own personal reality.
Almost as sad as watching Katzav lash out at the world was watching his family watch him. His wife and five children all sat, stiff-backed, in a row to his right, a pillar of support. But who knows what they were really thinking? Can a serial sex offender be a model husband and father? Gila no doubt has sufffered his philandering for the thirty-seven years of their marriage but Katzav made a point of mentioning their loving and idyllic relationship. Although stories and rumors abound about Gila's dealings with her husband's paramours, we will never be privy to the truth about this man's shortcomings as a parent. As much as he has embarrassed himself by his conduct, the forced complicity of the silence of his wife and children is an even greater humiliation.
Many people who worked with Katzav over the years remarked that everyone in his immediate surroundings knew he harrassed women but no one ever spoke up. Perhaps the silver lining of this lecherous cloud is the end of the conspiracy of silence. Hopefully, the trial of the president will broadcast a very clear message of zero tolerance for sexual harrassment in our society.
Monday, January 22, 2007
The Palestinian Altalena
It's hard to get excited about any of the headlines produced by the Palestinians these days. There seems to be little progress on any fronts - the return of captive soldier Gilad Shalit, the formation of a unity government and certainly not on negotiations with Israel. Everything is stuck and each day the factional strife in Gaza and the West Bank brings higher stacks of corpses and deeper sectarian animosity between Palestinians themselves, which is not good for anyone.
Although many prefer to blame Israel for whatever ails our unfortunate neighbors it is impossible to ignore the colossal Palestinian leadership vacuum. While there appears to be little nostalgia for Yasser Arafat on either side(although a visitor to Israel I recently guided claimed to have driven past him in Ramallah), what's painfully lacking is a strong, popular Palestinian leader that can unify the ranks and steer the people towards statehood with a firm hand and a vision. In short, they need a David Ben Gurion.
What are the options? Well, for starters, Abu Maazen has been big disappointment. Although he's relatively moderate, it's clear he lacks the backbone and charisma to unify everyone behind him, and the enormous pressure brought to bear on him by the US to hold elections only served to weaken him even further. Ismail Haniyeh, the current prime minister, is perceived as holding the interests of Hamas over those of the Palestinian people, even though the current Hamas-run government seems to be far less riddled with corruption than the previous ones run by Fatah. In addition, he is subordinate to international Hamas, represented by Haled Meshal in Syria - the biggest obstacle to progress on any front so far, and you can bet that Israeli intelligence is flagellating itself over their botched assassination attempt of Meshal in 1998; the embarrassment it caused Israel then is peanuts compared to the damage Meshal is causing today.
Mohammed Dahlan and Jibril Rajoub are two names frequently mentioned as possible leadership material. Both were extremely powerful under Arafat but neither is in a position today to take over the show. Keep in mind that within Fatah there are numerous secondary rivalries such as West Bank versus Gaza and the Tunis exiles versus the younger, local leadership. It's hard to see a consensus developing around either one of them, especially since they each have their own loyal vanguards.
The only person who seems to be acceptable to the majority of Palestinians as a unifying force and a powerful leader is Marwan Barghouti. His main problem is that he is in jail in Israel, serving out a very long sentence for terrorist activities. His status as a local Palestinian hero has been bolstered tremendously by his sojourn behind Jewish bars; in addition, he was one of the more moderate members of the Palestinian peace camp and retains many close connections to Israeli politicians from the days before he took up arms. If Barghouti's release will significantly tip the balance towards a sustainable agreement between us and them you can bet he will be sprung, and not as the first Palestinian convict with blood on his hands to be released by Israel.
However, if the best case scenario gets Barghouti out of jail and into the Rais' office in Ramallah, the tough work for him (or anyone else, for that matter,) would just be beginning.
If he's going to be Ben Gurion then in addition to doing headstands on the beach, expecting a miracle once in a while and recognizing that the people don't always know what's best for them , he's going to have to unify the ranks under his leadership with some blood. It was, unfortunately, unavoidable for us and seems inevitable for the Palestinians. Identifying the parallels between the birth of Israel in 1948 and the birthpangs of the Palestinian state is a fascinating intellectual exercise. In this case, the event I'm referring to is known infamously as the Altalena Affair, the Altalena being a ship loaded with weapons and ammunition and destined to arrive on the shores of Israel in June, 1948, during a truce in the fighting of the War of Independence. The ship belonged to the Etzel, a right-wing Jewish military organization led by Menahem Begin, who demanded that a percentage of the ship's cargo be delivered directly to Etzel units, which did not consider themselves subordinate to the main Jewish military organization the Haganah, which at this point had become the fledgling Israel Defense Forces with the birth of the State a few weeks earlier. Ben Gurion understood that he could not allow neither the fractionalization of the army by politics, nor the authority of the government to be underminded by yielding to Begin's demands. With Tel Aviv about to be taken over by the Etzel, Ben Gurion ordered his troops to fire on the ship. The end result was eighty-three Jews killed, not to mention a large loss of precious cargo, the immediate cessation of further arms shipments and a bitter factional dispute that has lasted in Israeli government until this day. It was a heavy price to pay for unity and discipline at all levels of the Israeli military, but in retrospect it most agree it was the right decision.
The complicated Palestinian factionalization, often rooted in tribal loyalties, and the massive quantities of arms circulating in the West Bank and Gaza together create an almost impossible situation for a visionary Palestinian leader. If he chooses to lay down arms and sign an agreement which will inevitably require painful compromises with Israel, another monumental struggle awaits him at home. In truth, the price of continuing the armed struggle against Israel might be less costly in individual human lives than a final showdown between the multitude of armed gangs and a Palestinian leader seeking to centralize Palestinian military authority. It will be a bloody confrontation and it will most probably be unavoidable.
Who will be that Palestinian leader, and what will be the Palestinian Altalena? No one knows yet for sure. If only we could convince them to learn from our bitter experience and to take the road not travelled; to look towards the future and sacrifice ideals for the good of the entire nation. But even a realist like Ben Gurion would never imagine a miracle as great as that.
Although many prefer to blame Israel for whatever ails our unfortunate neighbors it is impossible to ignore the colossal Palestinian leadership vacuum. While there appears to be little nostalgia for Yasser Arafat on either side(although a visitor to Israel I recently guided claimed to have driven past him in Ramallah), what's painfully lacking is a strong, popular Palestinian leader that can unify the ranks and steer the people towards statehood with a firm hand and a vision. In short, they need a David Ben Gurion.
What are the options? Well, for starters, Abu Maazen has been big disappointment. Although he's relatively moderate, it's clear he lacks the backbone and charisma to unify everyone behind him, and the enormous pressure brought to bear on him by the US to hold elections only served to weaken him even further. Ismail Haniyeh, the current prime minister, is perceived as holding the interests of Hamas over those of the Palestinian people, even though the current Hamas-run government seems to be far less riddled with corruption than the previous ones run by Fatah. In addition, he is subordinate to international Hamas, represented by Haled Meshal in Syria - the biggest obstacle to progress on any front so far, and you can bet that Israeli intelligence is flagellating itself over their botched assassination attempt of Meshal in 1998; the embarrassment it caused Israel then is peanuts compared to the damage Meshal is causing today.
Mohammed Dahlan and Jibril Rajoub are two names frequently mentioned as possible leadership material. Both were extremely powerful under Arafat but neither is in a position today to take over the show. Keep in mind that within Fatah there are numerous secondary rivalries such as West Bank versus Gaza and the Tunis exiles versus the younger, local leadership. It's hard to see a consensus developing around either one of them, especially since they each have their own loyal vanguards.
The only person who seems to be acceptable to the majority of Palestinians as a unifying force and a powerful leader is Marwan Barghouti. His main problem is that he is in jail in Israel, serving out a very long sentence for terrorist activities. His status as a local Palestinian hero has been bolstered tremendously by his sojourn behind Jewish bars; in addition, he was one of the more moderate members of the Palestinian peace camp and retains many close connections to Israeli politicians from the days before he took up arms. If Barghouti's release will significantly tip the balance towards a sustainable agreement between us and them you can bet he will be sprung, and not as the first Palestinian convict with blood on his hands to be released by Israel.
However, if the best case scenario gets Barghouti out of jail and into the Rais' office in Ramallah, the tough work for him (or anyone else, for that matter,) would just be beginning.
If he's going to be Ben Gurion then in addition to doing headstands on the beach, expecting a miracle once in a while and recognizing that the people don't always know what's best for them , he's going to have to unify the ranks under his leadership with some blood. It was, unfortunately, unavoidable for us and seems inevitable for the Palestinians. Identifying the parallels between the birth of Israel in 1948 and the birthpangs of the Palestinian state is a fascinating intellectual exercise. In this case, the event I'm referring to is known infamously as the Altalena Affair, the Altalena being a ship loaded with weapons and ammunition and destined to arrive on the shores of Israel in June, 1948, during a truce in the fighting of the War of Independence. The ship belonged to the Etzel, a right-wing Jewish military organization led by Menahem Begin, who demanded that a percentage of the ship's cargo be delivered directly to Etzel units, which did not consider themselves subordinate to the main Jewish military organization the Haganah, which at this point had become the fledgling Israel Defense Forces with the birth of the State a few weeks earlier. Ben Gurion understood that he could not allow neither the fractionalization of the army by politics, nor the authority of the government to be underminded by yielding to Begin's demands. With Tel Aviv about to be taken over by the Etzel, Ben Gurion ordered his troops to fire on the ship. The end result was eighty-three Jews killed, not to mention a large loss of precious cargo, the immediate cessation of further arms shipments and a bitter factional dispute that has lasted in Israeli government until this day. It was a heavy price to pay for unity and discipline at all levels of the Israeli military, but in retrospect it most agree it was the right decision.
The complicated Palestinian factionalization, often rooted in tribal loyalties, and the massive quantities of arms circulating in the West Bank and Gaza together create an almost impossible situation for a visionary Palestinian leader. If he chooses to lay down arms and sign an agreement which will inevitably require painful compromises with Israel, another monumental struggle awaits him at home. In truth, the price of continuing the armed struggle against Israel might be less costly in individual human lives than a final showdown between the multitude of armed gangs and a Palestinian leader seeking to centralize Palestinian military authority. It will be a bloody confrontation and it will most probably be unavoidable.
Who will be that Palestinian leader, and what will be the Palestinian Altalena? No one knows yet for sure. If only we could convince them to learn from our bitter experience and to take the road not travelled; to look towards the future and sacrifice ideals for the good of the entire nation. But even a realist like Ben Gurion would never imagine a miracle as great as that.
Tuesday, January 16, 2007
A Night Out In Jerusalem
Lately I've been busy wondering why Ehud Olmert, the prime minister of Israel, decided to have some cosmetic surgery done on his eyes while his political ship has been sinking fast. Could he have been planning a second career as an eyewear model?
But the headlines this morning explained everything; that rascal finally allowed the publication of the biggest news around here since the war last summer. Israel and Syria have secretly been negotiating a peace agreement for the past two years. It started out with a chance meeting between Bashar Assad and a low-level Israeli diplomat in a Turkish hotel and ended with a document that turns the entire Golan heights into a park and sends Hezbollah and Iran to hell in a handbag. Of course, Olmert couldn't appear for any 'New Middle East' photo ops with those huge shopping bags under his eyes, hence the browlift. In a classic levantine twist, just when it appeared that the prime minister was chopped liver there's suddenly a new political horizon ahead of us. It will only get more interesting...
This sudden turnaround is a bit exhausting for the average Israeli, so I thought a night out would be in order. Here are the options for reality-weary Jerusalemites looking for a diversion, as they appeared this morning, January 16th, on a billboard at the bottom of Agrippas Street:
*Netivot Tours - transportation to a celebration day at the grave of the righteous one that has delivered blessings to many, Rabbi Yisrael Abuhatzeira, the Baba Sali in Netivot. The excursion will take place on Monday, Jan, 22, the third of Shvat. Buses will leave every hour on the hour from 2 pm until 11 pm from Binyanei Hauma. No need to sign up - just come and get on.
*Har Horev Synagogue - corner of 29 November and Kovshei Katamon. We are pleased to announce to the observant public the opening of the Minhat Horev Center Bet Midrash for the study of the daily Talmud page, under the leadership of Rabbi Arieh Stern, rabbi of the congregation. Schedule of activities, Sun-Thurs: 6 pm - individual study and prep under the rabbi's guidance; 7 pm - lesson on the daily Talmud page with Rabbi Avishai Grussner. Friday lesson takes place in the morning.
*The Interdiscuplinary Arena hosts the virtuoso voice artist Victoria Hanna, in a joint performance with the musician Ilan Ber Ami, Thursday Jan. 18 at 9pm at the Khan Theatre.
*HaDag Nahash with help from The Jam at the Maabada, Thurs. Jan 18. Doors open at 10pm.
*Asaf Avidan and the Mojo Live Cats, live at the Syndrome, Jan. 25 at 9pm.
*The Israel Stage Orchestra of Holon presents a musical experience for the whole family: Pinocchio and the Magic Orchestra, at the Jerusalem Theatre on Jan 16 at 5pm.
*Aeterna Opera, Jerusalem - Don Giovanni, a comic opera in two acts by W.A. Mozart. Conductor - Ilya Plotkin Director - Anna Silores. Grand Opening Monday, Jan. 15, 8 pm at the Khan Theatre.
*Nitzanim Synagogue in Baka, 3 Asher Street, invites the public to a lecture by Rabbi Eli Sadan, head of the pre-military yeshiva at Eli on the subject of 'The Path of Zionism in Our Times,' Jan 14 at 8:30 pm. Next week Rabbi Yirmi Stavitzky, the principal of Himmelfarb high school, whill lecture on 'Modern Orthodox Judaism and Zionism: Can They Walk Together?'
*The Other Dimension - a series of lectures to open a porthole to a fascinating spiritual world. Lectures given by Yoni Elitzur, lecturer in Jewish philosophy and spiritual thought, leader of workshops in Israel and the far East. Wed, Jan 10 - The Hidden World, the Metaphysical Experience: the basis of Jewish thought vis a vis the material world. Wed, Jan 17 - The Genetic Code of the Universe: understanding the secret of the alphabet as a key to the inner dimension of experience. Wed, Jan 24 - What Is the Soul?: the meaning of the soul and its existential test as an independent metaphysical entity. Wed, Jan 31 - From the Tower of Babel to the Twin Towers: the spiritual roots behind human struggle. Arachim - the ICCY, Emek Refaim 12. Doors open at 8:15, lecture begins at 8:30.
*Leah Shabbat in a special performance for women, singing songs of all eras. Jan 16, 8:30 at Shoreshim, 13 Shammai St.
*Steinsaltz Center for the illumination of tradition on the reality of identity, renewal and deepening of faith. New Series - Every Tuesday! At 7 pm with Aviad Cohen, hassidist. Jan 9 - "And the main thing is not to be stubborn" - hints and advice in the writings of Rabbi Nahman from Breslav. Jan 16 - "And the main thing is not to be stubborn" (part 2) - on obstinacy and relaxation in the Mei shiloach book. Jan 23 - "The significance of the month of Shvat on proper eating in hassidic writings." The public is invited. 6 HaRav Iraqi St.
*Jerusalem City Hall presents: A Literary Evening in honor of the publication of Hanoch Bar Tov's book, 'Outside the Horizon, Beyond the Street.' Participants: S. Shifra, Dalia Ofer, Eli Garlitzki, Hanoch Bar Tov. Wed Jan 17 at 8:30 at Authors' House, Gerard Behar Ctr. Free Admission.
*Sivan Shavit in Vanilla - the Exotic Performance. Guitars: Amir Tzorel and Did Erez. Sat night, 9 pm at Syndrome, 18 Hillel St.
*The Giraffes, Live at the Maabada, 28 Hebron Road on Jan 19. Doors open at 10 pm.
*The Land of Israel is Blessed Over all the Lands. We are proud to announce to the observant public that a class in Jewish law will be given by our teacher and rabbi, great leader and keeper of the way of Ben Ish Hai, the glory of his generation, minister of torah Mordehai Eliyahu, Shlita, the Rishon Letzion, who will give a talk on Sat. night of the V'ara torah portion, the eve of the second of Shvat at exactly 8 pm. The Minhat Yehuda synagogue, 10 Navon Street, opposite the bus stop of Mahane Yehuda. Fruit Blessings laws. The public is invited. Women's entrance from Shadal Street.
Which would you choose?
But the headlines this morning explained everything; that rascal finally allowed the publication of the biggest news around here since the war last summer. Israel and Syria have secretly been negotiating a peace agreement for the past two years. It started out with a chance meeting between Bashar Assad and a low-level Israeli diplomat in a Turkish hotel and ended with a document that turns the entire Golan heights into a park and sends Hezbollah and Iran to hell in a handbag. Of course, Olmert couldn't appear for any 'New Middle East' photo ops with those huge shopping bags under his eyes, hence the browlift. In a classic levantine twist, just when it appeared that the prime minister was chopped liver there's suddenly a new political horizon ahead of us. It will only get more interesting...
This sudden turnaround is a bit exhausting for the average Israeli, so I thought a night out would be in order. Here are the options for reality-weary Jerusalemites looking for a diversion, as they appeared this morning, January 16th, on a billboard at the bottom of Agrippas Street:
*Netivot Tours - transportation to a celebration day at the grave of the righteous one that has delivered blessings to many, Rabbi Yisrael Abuhatzeira, the Baba Sali in Netivot. The excursion will take place on Monday, Jan, 22, the third of Shvat. Buses will leave every hour on the hour from 2 pm until 11 pm from Binyanei Hauma. No need to sign up - just come and get on.
*Har Horev Synagogue - corner of 29 November and Kovshei Katamon. We are pleased to announce to the observant public the opening of the Minhat Horev Center Bet Midrash for the study of the daily Talmud page, under the leadership of Rabbi Arieh Stern, rabbi of the congregation. Schedule of activities, Sun-Thurs: 6 pm - individual study and prep under the rabbi's guidance; 7 pm - lesson on the daily Talmud page with Rabbi Avishai Grussner. Friday lesson takes place in the morning.
*The Interdiscuplinary Arena hosts the virtuoso voice artist Victoria Hanna, in a joint performance with the musician Ilan Ber Ami, Thursday Jan. 18 at 9pm at the Khan Theatre.
*HaDag Nahash with help from The Jam at the Maabada, Thurs. Jan 18. Doors open at 10pm.
*Asaf Avidan and the Mojo Live Cats, live at the Syndrome, Jan. 25 at 9pm.
*The Israel Stage Orchestra of Holon presents a musical experience for the whole family: Pinocchio and the Magic Orchestra, at the Jerusalem Theatre on Jan 16 at 5pm.
*Aeterna Opera, Jerusalem - Don Giovanni, a comic opera in two acts by W.A. Mozart. Conductor - Ilya Plotkin Director - Anna Silores. Grand Opening Monday, Jan. 15, 8 pm at the Khan Theatre.
*Nitzanim Synagogue in Baka, 3 Asher Street, invites the public to a lecture by Rabbi Eli Sadan, head of the pre-military yeshiva at Eli on the subject of 'The Path of Zionism in Our Times,' Jan 14 at 8:30 pm. Next week Rabbi Yirmi Stavitzky, the principal of Himmelfarb high school, whill lecture on 'Modern Orthodox Judaism and Zionism: Can They Walk Together?'
*The Other Dimension - a series of lectures to open a porthole to a fascinating spiritual world. Lectures given by Yoni Elitzur, lecturer in Jewish philosophy and spiritual thought, leader of workshops in Israel and the far East. Wed, Jan 10 - The Hidden World, the Metaphysical Experience: the basis of Jewish thought vis a vis the material world. Wed, Jan 17 - The Genetic Code of the Universe: understanding the secret of the alphabet as a key to the inner dimension of experience. Wed, Jan 24 - What Is the Soul?: the meaning of the soul and its existential test as an independent metaphysical entity. Wed, Jan 31 - From the Tower of Babel to the Twin Towers: the spiritual roots behind human struggle. Arachim - the ICCY, Emek Refaim 12. Doors open at 8:15, lecture begins at 8:30.
*Leah Shabbat in a special performance for women, singing songs of all eras. Jan 16, 8:30 at Shoreshim, 13 Shammai St.
*Steinsaltz Center for the illumination of tradition on the reality of identity, renewal and deepening of faith. New Series - Every Tuesday! At 7 pm with Aviad Cohen, hassidist. Jan 9 - "And the main thing is not to be stubborn" - hints and advice in the writings of Rabbi Nahman from Breslav. Jan 16 - "And the main thing is not to be stubborn" (part 2) - on obstinacy and relaxation in the Mei shiloach book. Jan 23 - "The significance of the month of Shvat on proper eating in hassidic writings." The public is invited. 6 HaRav Iraqi St.
*Jerusalem City Hall presents: A Literary Evening in honor of the publication of Hanoch Bar Tov's book, 'Outside the Horizon, Beyond the Street.' Participants: S. Shifra, Dalia Ofer, Eli Garlitzki, Hanoch Bar Tov. Wed Jan 17 at 8:30 at Authors' House, Gerard Behar Ctr. Free Admission.
*Sivan Shavit in Vanilla - the Exotic Performance. Guitars: Amir Tzorel and Did Erez. Sat night, 9 pm at Syndrome, 18 Hillel St.
*The Giraffes, Live at the Maabada, 28 Hebron Road on Jan 19. Doors open at 10 pm.
*The Land of Israel is Blessed Over all the Lands. We are proud to announce to the observant public that a class in Jewish law will be given by our teacher and rabbi, great leader and keeper of the way of Ben Ish Hai, the glory of his generation, minister of torah Mordehai Eliyahu, Shlita, the Rishon Letzion, who will give a talk on Sat. night of the V'ara torah portion, the eve of the second of Shvat at exactly 8 pm. The Minhat Yehuda synagogue, 10 Navon Street, opposite the bus stop of Mahane Yehuda. Fruit Blessings laws. The public is invited. Women's entrance from Shadal Street.
Which would you choose?
Monday, January 8, 2007
Guess Who's Back
The only encouraging news in Israel is the rainy weather; three days of torrential downpour after a long, dry November and December is just the metaphor some people around here would like to apply to the flashy comeback of Ehud Barak, erstwhile IDF chief of staff and former prime minister of, let's say, limited success.
The political leadership is up the creek with no object that could possibly substitute for a paddle in sight. When Ehud Olmert and Amir Peretz were elected last March they expected to be running a country in search of creative political options for peace and economic alternatives that would eliminate poverty. Instead, they were completely blindsided by the outbreak of the Lebanon war this summer. Together with the IDF, they've all received failing grades for their handling of the conflict and not many people are confident they will rise to the potentially existential challenges roiling around us - the imminent Palestinian civil war, the political crisis in Lebanon and, of course, the Iranian nukes.
Olmert's tenure has been a non-stop roster of scandals: questions regarding the legality of several of Olmert's real estate transactions; the president and the justice minister accused of sexual harrasment; the bumbling ineptitude of the police in capture of escaped rapist Benny Sela; and now, a fresh crack in the facade of quality government - a corruption scandal at the highest levels of the Israeli equivalent of the IRS, suggesting that businessmen were involved in tax official appointments to protect their personal interests. Amongst the implicated is Shula Zaken, Olmert's personal assistant and office manager, which looks really bad for the prime minister even though he had nothing to do with it. At the moment it's not clear just who's guilty and who's been badmouthed. It's worth mentioning, however, that the political witch hunt is a popular sport in Israel. The trauma of the Yom Kippur War in 1973 created a fissure of faith in the elected leadership, a condition which has morphed into screaming headlines and breaking news over the slightest suspicion of official impropriety. These accusations are often not substantiated enough to indict and after prolonged investigations the accused politicians ultimately return to the fray, leaving a whiff of manipulative victory trailing behind them. Olmert has managed to brush off most of these scandals but many Israelis view him as a corrupt leader who reached the prime minister's office in order to further his personal agenda.
To make matters worse, there is a complete disconnect between Olmert and Peretz; the prime minister and the defense minister aren't talking to one another, like two boys in junior high feuding over a lost soccer ball. They are incapable of cooperating, yet each one clings ferociously to his seat, refusing to budge. At this point Peretz also appears to have lost the support of his own party members, not only as defense minister but also as leader of the Labor party. They're all screaming at him to get off the field - he's a colossal failure as defense minister. However, Peretz's skin is as thick as an elephant's and he's dug his fingernails deep into his seat. He's not leaving the defense ministry unless he is offered an alternative position of equal prestige and influence, meaning the finance ministry, with which Kadima will never part.
Into this hopeless morass saunters Ehud Barak, after six years of exile in the political wilderness after his stinging defeat by Ariel Sharon in 2001. It's a new, updated version of Ehud Barak; he still sports that pompous smirk but he claims to be contrite. Amid the fanfare of his announcement to run for head of the Labor party in the upcoming May primaries, he issued a blanket apology for all of his mistakes as prime minister:
"It is possible that I became prime minister too soon. I made many mistakes, and my lack of experience was to my detriment. Today I know that there are no shortcuts, certainly not in public and political life, and that leadership is a shared burden, not a solo mission. It is impossible to succeed alone and coherent thinking, will and talent on their own are insufficient to run a state."
So the Jewish Napoleon is back - should we consider ourselves lucky? When surveying the Israeli political leadership today one can't help but wonder why there are so few people to admire, although anyone familiar with the biographies of the 120 members of Knesset knows there are many quality individuals sitting under that roof. However, the nature of the Israeli political system means that wheeling and dealing, manipulation, horse-trading and back stabbing are the keys to survival here. It seems impossible to pass through the Knesset doors and come out untainted by the Israeli political culture. Therefore, the 2007 version of the want-ad for prime minister is: a double-crossing schemer with a deep understanding of our security needs. Of Begin, Rabin and Sharon, the three prime ministers who made significant concessions for peace, two of them came from long military careers. Ehud Barak is far more qualified to make the important decisions on the prime minister's table this year than the two disappointing men currently in charge. He might be the right guy for the job, even if we can't stand him.
The political leadership is up the creek with no object that could possibly substitute for a paddle in sight. When Ehud Olmert and Amir Peretz were elected last March they expected to be running a country in search of creative political options for peace and economic alternatives that would eliminate poverty. Instead, they were completely blindsided by the outbreak of the Lebanon war this summer. Together with the IDF, they've all received failing grades for their handling of the conflict and not many people are confident they will rise to the potentially existential challenges roiling around us - the imminent Palestinian civil war, the political crisis in Lebanon and, of course, the Iranian nukes.
Olmert's tenure has been a non-stop roster of scandals: questions regarding the legality of several of Olmert's real estate transactions; the president and the justice minister accused of sexual harrasment; the bumbling ineptitude of the police in capture of escaped rapist Benny Sela; and now, a fresh crack in the facade of quality government - a corruption scandal at the highest levels of the Israeli equivalent of the IRS, suggesting that businessmen were involved in tax official appointments to protect their personal interests. Amongst the implicated is Shula Zaken, Olmert's personal assistant and office manager, which looks really bad for the prime minister even though he had nothing to do with it. At the moment it's not clear just who's guilty and who's been badmouthed. It's worth mentioning, however, that the political witch hunt is a popular sport in Israel. The trauma of the Yom Kippur War in 1973 created a fissure of faith in the elected leadership, a condition which has morphed into screaming headlines and breaking news over the slightest suspicion of official impropriety. These accusations are often not substantiated enough to indict and after prolonged investigations the accused politicians ultimately return to the fray, leaving a whiff of manipulative victory trailing behind them. Olmert has managed to brush off most of these scandals but many Israelis view him as a corrupt leader who reached the prime minister's office in order to further his personal agenda.
To make matters worse, there is a complete disconnect between Olmert and Peretz; the prime minister and the defense minister aren't talking to one another, like two boys in junior high feuding over a lost soccer ball. They are incapable of cooperating, yet each one clings ferociously to his seat, refusing to budge. At this point Peretz also appears to have lost the support of his own party members, not only as defense minister but also as leader of the Labor party. They're all screaming at him to get off the field - he's a colossal failure as defense minister. However, Peretz's skin is as thick as an elephant's and he's dug his fingernails deep into his seat. He's not leaving the defense ministry unless he is offered an alternative position of equal prestige and influence, meaning the finance ministry, with which Kadima will never part.
Into this hopeless morass saunters Ehud Barak, after six years of exile in the political wilderness after his stinging defeat by Ariel Sharon in 2001. It's a new, updated version of Ehud Barak; he still sports that pompous smirk but he claims to be contrite. Amid the fanfare of his announcement to run for head of the Labor party in the upcoming May primaries, he issued a blanket apology for all of his mistakes as prime minister:
"It is possible that I became prime minister too soon. I made many mistakes, and my lack of experience was to my detriment. Today I know that there are no shortcuts, certainly not in public and political life, and that leadership is a shared burden, not a solo mission. It is impossible to succeed alone and coherent thinking, will and talent on their own are insufficient to run a state."
So the Jewish Napoleon is back - should we consider ourselves lucky? When surveying the Israeli political leadership today one can't help but wonder why there are so few people to admire, although anyone familiar with the biographies of the 120 members of Knesset knows there are many quality individuals sitting under that roof. However, the nature of the Israeli political system means that wheeling and dealing, manipulation, horse-trading and back stabbing are the keys to survival here. It seems impossible to pass through the Knesset doors and come out untainted by the Israeli political culture. Therefore, the 2007 version of the want-ad for prime minister is: a double-crossing schemer with a deep understanding of our security needs. Of Begin, Rabin and Sharon, the three prime ministers who made significant concessions for peace, two of them came from long military careers. Ehud Barak is far more qualified to make the important decisions on the prime minister's table this year than the two disappointing men currently in charge. He might be the right guy for the job, even if we can't stand him.
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